نشریه تاریخ اسلام و ایران
سال سی و دوم شماره 55 (پاییز 1401)

The Abbasid movement was one of the turning points in the history of Islam in the second century AH. Social movements are a fundamental argument in theories of revolution. Because of this importance, various theories have attempted to explain them. One of the most important of these theories is the theory of relative deprivation. With the advent of Islam in Iran and the slogan of equality, people's values increased, But, after a while, especially during the Umayyad period, the level of people's values did not change significantly. Therefore, relative deprivation, i.e., the gap between valuable expectations and valuable capabilities, can be considered as an important factor in creating people's frustration and dissatisfaction and as one of the main reasons for various classes, especially the middle and lower classes, to join the Abbasid movement. The authors of this article have tried to focus on the Abbasid movement and using the method of historical and sociological analysis and reviewing the content of historical , In light of the theory of relative deprivation, Examine the correlations and reasons  for the joining of different classes to this movement.

The “Young Ottomans” as an intellectual movement in the Ottoman Empire dealt with the issue of decline. Namık Kemal, the most prominent figure in this society wrote a number of works in which he reflected on this problem. Namık Kemal focused on this issue and tried to find an approach to understanding the Ottoman problems through various works, including plays. In two critical examples, namely “Vatan Yahut Silistre” and “Gülnihal”, Namık Kemal tried to find a way out for the crisis-stricken Ottoman Empire. This article deals with Namık Kemal’s attitude toward decline. In Vatan, Namık Kemal has considered the role of the foreign dimension of Ottoman decline. It seems that Vatan is an example of the romantic nationalism with which Namık Kemal  tried to restore the lost pride of the Ottomans. In contrast, in Gülnihal he has paid attention to despotism. In other words, Kemal was aware of both the internal and external problems that had put the Ottoman Empire in a precarious position. In both plays, Namık Kemal has resorted to romantic stories to express his point of views. The findings of this study suggests that, the most central issue for Namık Kemal has been protection of idea of Ottoman Empire.

One of the most important issues of the constitutional era, which brought many intellectual challenges and influenced the fate of the new political system of Iran's constitutional era, was the meaning and concept of "constitution" and the subsequent intellectual disputes caused by the different understandings of this new political concept. A number of scholars, intellectuals and other strata were involved in the discussion on the meaning, and other classes. Azerbaijan not only played an important political role in the realization of the constitutional revolution, but also an important part of the intellectual disputes took place among Azerbaijani scholars. emergence of constitutional thought and constitutionalism as well as the process of establishing a political system based on the Constitution, led to a classification among the scholars of Azerbaijan, whereupon, different views of the constitution and its relationship with religious political doctrines were presented. It seems that the scholars of Azerbaijan held opposing positions based on religious concerns, development of political affairs and, of course, social and economic considerations. Apart from the fact that these positions were sometimes fundamentally incompatible with the essence and nature of the Constitution, they also found important views and decisive political actions in the field of political action. The group seeking legitimacy, feeling threatened by the new amendments, considered the inviolability and incompatibility of the constitution with the Islamic system and tried to transform the national parliament into an Islamic parliament. The constitutional scholars, on the other hand, who knew the contrast between the new order and the Islamic system, saw it as an advantage over the authoritarian system and a method to limit tyranny, and deliberately presented the Iranian constitution as a combination between the principles of Sharia and constitutionalism.  Based on political treatises, newspapers and original sources, this important topic was examined in a descriptive-explanatory manner.

The "Annazians", a group of Kurds belonging to the "Shazanjan" tribe, in the last decade of the first half of the 4th lunar century entered into power conflicts in a part of the Jebel region, but the establishment of their government lasted until the end of this century. Based on this, the main question of the current investigation is why and how the Bani-Annazi government was established with the center in Holvan. It is true that the powerful Bani Hasnavayh government in Dinavar did not tolerate a similar power in this historical period, and the Al-Buyeh government in Iraq, although united with the Annazis and sometimes supported them, did not have the desire to establish the powerful Bani-Annazi government. The results of this research show that with the support of Al-Buyeh from Iraq, the Annazis first established their political and military position in Holvan and its surroundings; and achieved the position of "deputy of Holvan". And then, by dominating the economic, military and religious road of Khorasan and obtaining the position of "supporter of the road of  Khorasan ", they succeeded in strengthening their position, overthrowing Hasnavayh and establishing the government.

In Islam, messianism and saviorhood are defined primarily by the idea of the “Mahdi”; especially among Shiite believers. The idea of “Mahdi” is used along with other terms such as “Hādi, Qā’im, Ghayba, Intezār, etc” in the Islamic context which has gradually changed over time and is considered the intellectual framework of the Islamic community.In this study, we will examine the development and changes of the idea of “Mahdi” and its relevance to other ideas in order to answer the question of what changes the idea of Mahdi underwent in the early Islamic periods. In this research, we will find that the idea of “Mahdi” was first used as a general and descriptive nickname, but gradually evolved from a messianic tradition emphasizing the order of this world to an apocalyptic tradition; in this way, the idea of “Mahdi” is linked to apocalyptic traditions.

In the historiography of oil nationalization, many works have been done to describe the behavior and analyze the thoughts of political elites and statesmen, and hundreds of books and articles have been written about it. The role of the Jebhey-e Meli (National Front) party, the influence of the disobedient clergy, the viewpoints and performance of the parties, especially the Tudeh Party, and the reaction of the court and political elites in favor of the Pahlavi government are all fascinating topics that have been widely studied, but less attention has been paid to the role and image of the oil industry workers throughout this great event. The aim of the author of this article is to shed light on the role of the workers in the implementation of the law on the nationalization of oil and to show how a trade union movement turned into a national and xenophobic movement. To what extent did the demands of oil industry workers coincide with the demands of the proponents of oil nationalization? How influential were oil industry workers in the oil nationalization movement? The author of this article examined the history of oil nationalization from the viewpoint of subordinate people and discussed the protests and demands of workers during the announcement of the oil nationalization law until the dissolution of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. The main research tools were searching archival records, newspapers and oral history interviews. The main finding of this research is that the demands of the oil industry workers did not coincide with the demands of the proponents of oil nationalization at the beginning, but were only union demands and requests for the well-being of the workers and according to the regulations of the International Labor Organization. During the strikes, slogans and demands changed and oil industry workers were able to consistently influence the oil nationalization movement.

The ideas and dates used in the inscriptions of historical monuments provide important clues about the  history of construction and the political and administrative climate of the time. The inscription of Shaarbafi workshop dated 921 AD located in the ancient "Shah Abul Qasim" area of Yazd, is one of the most interesting examples in this field. Further study of the inscriptions and the designs that adorn them has naturally revealed that the date recorded does not correspond to the time when the inscription was executed. Therefore, the following essay will attempt to resolve the ambiguities and determine the exact nature of the inscriptions and using a historical-analytical method. The following are the main questions of current research: 1. Why is the recognized inscription not from the Safavid period? 2. To which epoch should the inscription be assigned on the basis of the data now available? The gap between the two frames is bordered with plant motifs, and this text is decorated with geometric, plant, animal and human motifs. The subjects of the inscriptions listed include words from the Quran, supplications, Arabic phrases, and Persian songs such as the well-known work of Mohtasham Kashani. Khursheed khanom (sun pattern) plays a role in two of them. The results of the study show that the function of khursheed khanom (sun pattern) and the way it is played, including curly hairstyles, continuous eyebrows, and large eyes, can be effectively compared with examples from the Qajar era. Moreover, Mohtsham Kashani, one of Shah Tahmasb's court poets, probably wrote his famous song at this time. The framing of the above inscription is comparable to that of the Malikzadeh house of the Qajar period or that of Hosseinieh Nazim al-Tojjar in Yazd. The added date can be considered unreliable for the reasons mentioned above, and it can be assumed that the inscription in question is from the Qajar period.